Name: Joel I. Klein

Being considered for: Education secretary

Would bring to the job: Six years as chancellor of the New York City public school system, the nation's largest. An increasingly prominent national presence, thanks to forming, with the Rev. Al Sharpton, the Education Equality Project, a coalition seeking to transform public education.

Is linked to Mr. Obama by: Friends and associates, including Caroline Kennedy, a college roommate and close friend of Mr. Klein's wife, Nicole K. Seligman. One of Mr. Obama's education advisers, Jon Schnur, is the chief executive of New Leaders for New Schools, a program based in New York that has hired many of Mr. Klein's former staff members. Mr. Klein knows John D. Podesta, who is leading the Obama transition team, from his Washington days.

In his own words: "Are we making good on the moral vision -- and the clear social obligation -- set forth in the Supreme Court's decision in Brown v. Board of Education when we tolerate poorly performing public schools?" (From remarks at a forum in January 2004.)

Used to work as: A lawyer in Washington for nearly three decades, and from 1997 to 2001 as the assistant attorney general in charge of antitrust enforcement at the Justice Department, where he led the prosecution of Microsoft. He spent two years as deputy White House counsel during the Clinton administration and was chairman and chief executive of Bertelsmann Inc.

Carries as baggage: Randi Weingarten, the powerful president of the New York City teachers' union who is also the president of the national American Federation of Teachers, has had an acrimonious relationship with Mr. Klein.

Résumé includes: Born Oct. 25, 1946, in New York City ... graduated from Columbia University, but his dearest alma mater is William Cullen Bryant High School in Queens ... taught math to sixth graders in Queens.

If moderator Gwen Ifill doesn't ask Republican Sarah Palin or Democrat Joe Biden a question about education during tonight's must-watch debate at 9 p.m., it won't be because no one tried.

The Education Equality Project folks are making their pitch to the debate honchos to ask an education question. A letter to the moderator, signed by New York City Schools Chancellor Joel I. Klein, the Rev. Al Sharpton, and ED in '08 leaders, makes the case that the amount of time devoted to education during the presidential campaign has been "shockingly small." The letter goes on to say:

In fact, of 653 questions at 30 debates, only 20 questions addressed education--just 3%. The infrequency with which education is discussed at the debates can't be attributed to a focus on the economy and foreign policy. In the last Democratic debate in Cleveland, for instance, Senators Obama and Clinton spent more than 15 minutes discussing health care; no education questions were asked.

Already, the National Education Association is weighing in on the debate, even before the first words are exchanged. In a press release that just hit my inbox, NEA Vice President Lily Eskelsen said: "Unless Gov. Palin offers a distinctly different vision from Sen. McCain on improving our nation's public schools, she's just more of the same. So far, she's failed to do anything but offer blind support for the same bad policies of the past eight years." (UPDATE: I suddenly remembered that the NEA was far more impressed with Palin a few weeks ago when her selection was announced.)

It's entirely possible education will be an issue in the debate. Both Biden and Palin have teachers in their families. But even if it's not, you can get the kids' perspective on the debate by following the Scholastic Kids Press Corps here on Twitter.

If you'd like to do your own prep work before the debate, you can read up on Palin's views on evolution vs. creationism and her record on special education funding in Alaska.

Regarding Joe Biden, read about his views on NCLB, merit pay, prekindergarten, and his education plan when he was running for president.

First let me thank TPM for hosting this discussion and Paul for inviting me to participate. Paul has a lot of fans in the education policy community because his work at the Times Magazine has elevated the discourse around education a great deal, and everyone who cares about education is in his debt for that. Our corner of the policy world doesn't often get lights like this shined on it.

That's why Whatever It Takes is a wonderful book. It's a great story; Geoffrey Canada is just one of those magnetic people in life. It's an outstanding and accessible look at the complicated intersection of social policy, education policy, race, and class. And it couldn't be better timed. Although education is a second tier issue in a presidential campaign where the economy, foreign policy, and energy are understandably taking center stage, the school reform debate is quietly coming to a head.

Sure seems like a false choice, and Paul and Alex both, understandably, land on the obviously commonsense take that the answer is both. And of course it is. The nation needs both high performing and effective public schools and a robust set of social policies that ensure good pre-natal, infant, and children's health care as well as the kinds of supports that Harlem Children's Zone is putting in place.

But what the debate is really about is sequencing, or the "all else equal" question. I'm pretty sure you'll search in vain for anyone who signed the Education Equality Project principles who doesn't support an expansion of children's heath insurance, better pre-natal care, dental care, and so forth, for low-income youngsters. But you will likewise search the "Bigger and Bolder" manifesto in vain for any specifics about accountability, especially any accountability measures that implicitly or explicitly imply that maybe some of the adults in the public school system have some culpability in today's problems. That's not to say that there are not people who signed the manifesto who wouldn't agree on the role of the adults, only that the manifesto is conspicuous in the way it downplays one of the key education policy debates today: Accountability for whom and for what? That's not by accident and illustrates the subtle politics at work here.

Now it's sort of pointless to speculate about what Geoffrey Canada, the subject of Paul's book, would think of this entire debate. Not pointless because he's a cipher but rather because he signed the Education Equality Project's statement of principles (and I should note for readers that I did too). At the same time, Paul relates to us in Whatever It Takes that while Canada doesn't believe schools can do everything on their own they can do a lot more than they do now. That's the essence of the EEP principles: All else equal we can expect a great deal more from our public schools than they're delivering today. That doesn't mean we shouldn't try to do more on the other issues that affect achievement, but that in the meantime educators should seek to do more today in the realm they directly control - the schools.

Fortunately, in addition to seeking to expand the Harlem Children's Zone idea into twenty cities, Senator Barack Obama has signaled that he'll hold the line on accountability in education and also supports a variety of important social policy changes. If those are the politics going forward it could redefine this debate and genuinely make this question a false choice. That would be good for kids and good for politics on the Democratic side.

While party unity was a key theme of the Democratic National Convention in Denver, an important divide has emerged on education between teachers' unions on one side, and a new cadre of urban education leaders on the other. The upstarts represent a significant challenge to the unions' stubborn opposition to education reform as well as their stranglehold on the Democratic Party.

The split was evident at the "Ed Challenge for Change" forum, which attracted an overflowing crowd in Denver during convention week. Joe Williams, director of Democrats for Education Reform, began the discussion by noting that "the Democratic Party used to be a party about progress, and our hope on the education issue is that we will return to that day when we are the ones standing up for the little guy." Williams went on to introduce a roster of speakers whom he identified as "the misfits of the Democratic Party." They included Newark mayor Cory Booker; Washington, D.C. mayor Adrian Fenty and schools chancellor Michelle Rhee; New York schools chancellor Joel Klein; Denver schools superintendent Michael Bennet; and former Colorado governor Roy Romer.

Particularly outspoken was Newark's Cory Booker, who noted how "vicious" teachers' unions can be in their efforts to stymie reform: "Ten years ago, when I started talking about school choice, I was tarred and feathered," Booker noted. "I literally was brought into a room by a [teachers'] union [representative] . . . and threatened that I would never win in office if I kept talking about school choice, if I kept talking about charter schools . . . there are billboards all over my city paid for by the teachers' unions attacking me and I don't even have mayoral control yet. I just tell the truth about what's going on." Booker implored Democratic office holders to "have the political will to stand up against these phenomenally powerful interests" and suggested that "when I started talking about this, I had so many Democratic establishment folks turn their backs on me, and it was Republicans in America that were willing to donate to my campaign in Newark, New Jersey. So we hav! e to understand as Democrats that we have been wrong on education; it's time to get right."

Newsweek editor Jonathan Alter, who moderated one of the forum's panels, called the event a "landmark in the history of the Democratic Party" and noted that "four years ago there would have been three or four people here; now you're part of a movement." You wouldn't know it from the speeches given by the teachers' unions' representatives inside the convention hall, however. Reg Weaver, president of the National Education Association, and Randi Weingarten, president of the American Federation of Teachers--who told an Education Week reporter that she was "really pissed" about the forum--called vaguely for more money and an end to high-stakes testing, instituted as part of No Child Left Behind to measure school progress.

With the presidential campaign now in full swing, which side of the great Democratic education divide does the party's presidential nominee stand on? Does Barack Obama support the teachers' unions or the education reformers? As with so many of Obama's policy stances, the answer is not altogether clear.

Obama has made his share of reformist-sounding statements, and the teachers' unions have responded by only offering him tepid support. Both the AFT and the NEA endorsed Hillary Clinton in the primaries. When the NEA finally did endorse Obama at their annual meeting this July, he was greeted with stunned silence when he expressed his support for charter schools; when he somewhat vaguely reiterated his longstanding support for merit pay for teachers, he was roundly booed.

Another sign that Obama is in the reform camp is the education plank that his team inserted into the Democratic Party platform which echoes his support for some form of merit pay: "We'll reward effective teachers who teach in underserved areas, take on added responsibilities like mentoring new teachers, or consistently excel in the classroom." The platform also pledges to "reform the schools of education that produce most of our teachers; promote public charter schools that are accountable; and streamline the certification process for those with valuable skills who want to shift careers and teach."

Earlier this week, however, Obama delivered an education policy speech at a Dayton, Ohio high school that, while offering many reform-oriented policy suggestions, also voiced a number of anti-reform bromides. Obama spent much of the speech decrying "teaching to the test"--a slap at high-stakes testing and the emphasis on results under NCLB. Even more worrisome was Obama's statement that he envisioned a future in which "teachers are less a source of knowledge than a coach for how to use it"--a favorite talking point of anti-reform education professors who believe that imparting knowledge is not a teacher's primary job. He also continued to water down his stance on merit pay by suggesting that we "find ways to increase teachers' pay that are developed with teachers, and not imposed on them." Translation: big increase in pay, tiny increase in accountability.

As Cory Booker suggested at the Ed Challenge for Change forum, Obama could prove that he is in the reform camp by endorsing the Education Equity Project's Statement of Principles--as John McCain, among political leaders of both parties, has already done. Co-chaired by Klein and (believe it or not) the Reverend Al Sharpton, the Education Equity Project is a nonpartisan group of elected officials, civil rights leaders, and education reformers who have banded together to "take on conventional wisdom and the entrenched impediments to real reform, focusing on teacher quality and pay; accountability for results; and maximizing parents' options."

It's time for Obama, whose entire presidential campaign is premised on the theme of change, to join the burgeoning education reform movement wholeheartedly--and stop trying to have it both ways. Signing the Education Equity Project's Statement of Principles would send a clear signal that he is serious about working for real change in American education.

Charles Sahm is a program officer at the Manhattan Institute.

"Senator Obama says that neglect of the ongoing crisis in public education in the United States has created a 'day of reckoning' for this country's leaders. We couldn't agree more," said Reverend Sharpton and Chancellor Klein. "We welcome Senator Obama's emphasis on reforms that we've set forth in the Education Equality Project's statement of principles: funding successful charter schools to create better choices for parents and increasing pay to teachers who raise the achievement of their students as well as replacing those who do not succeed.

"As with all such proposals, the details matter. For these initiatives to work they must not be half-measures and must also be accompanied by other efforts that will ensure meaningful accountability and real academic rigor. All Americans must recognize that it's essential to our Nation's future that we set high standards for our children and then hold ourselves accountable--as teachers, school leaders, parents, community members, and elected and appointed officials--for meeting those standards."

Yesterday was a special day around my house. It was back-to-school day for my girls. Sasha started second grade and Malia began 5th. I know Malia was really embarrassed when I walked her to the classroom, but I did it anyway because she's still Daddy's girl. And seeing them back at school was a reminder not only that another year had passed and that they're growing up a little faster than I'd sometimes like. It was also a reminder of all the other parents who are dropping their children off at school, and all the other kids who are getting ready for another year of classes.

Every four years, we hear candidates talk about the vital importance of education; about how improving our schools is key to the future of our children and the future of our country. Every four years, we hear about how this time, we're going to make it an urgent national priority. Remember the 2000 election, when George W. Bush promised to be the "education President"?

But just as with energy independence and health care, the urgency of upgrading public education for the 21st century has been talked to death in Washington. And that failure to act has put our nation in jeopardy.

The rising importance of education reflects the new demands of our new world. In recent decades, revolutions in communications and information technology have broken down barriers that once kept countries and markets apart, creating a single, global economy that is more integrated and interconnected than ever before. In this economy, companies can plant their jobs wherever there's an internet connection and someone willing to do the work, meaning that children here in Dayton are growing up competing with children not only in Detroit, but in Delhi as well.

What matters, then, isn't what you do or where you live, but what you know. When two-thirds of all new jobs require a higher education or advanced training, knowledge is the most valuable skill you can sell. It's not only a pathway to opportunity, but a prerequisite. Without a good pre-school education, our children are less likely to keep up with their peers. Without a high school diploma, you're likely to make about three times less than a college graduate. And without a college degree or industry certification, it's harder and harder to find a job that can help you support your family and keep up with rising costs.

But it's not just that a world-class education is essential for workers to compete and win, it's that an educated workforce is essential for America to compete and win. Without a workforce trained in math, science, and technology and the other skills of the 21st century, our companies will innovate less, our economy will grow less, and our nation will be less competitive. If we want to outcompete the world tomorrow, we must out-educate the world today.

If we want to keep building the cars of the future here in America, we can't afford to see the number of PhDs in engineering climbing in China, South Korea, and Japan even as it's dropped here in America; we can't afford a future where our high school students rank near the bottom in math and science, and our high school drop-out rate is one of the highest in the industrialized world.

If we want to build a 21st century infrastructure and repair our crumbling roads and bridges, we can't afford a future where a third of all 4th graders and a fifth of all 8th graders can't do basic math, and black and Latino students are even further behind; where elementary school kids are only getting an average 25 minutes of science each day when over 80% of the fastest-growing jobs require some knowledge in math and science.

If we want to see middle class incomes rising like they did in the 1990's, we can't afford a future where so many Americans are priced out of college; where only 20 percent of our students are prepared to take college-level English, math, and science; where millions of jobs are going unfilled because Americans don't have the skills to work them; and where barely one in ten low-income students will ever get their college degree.

That kind of future is economically untenable for America. It is morally unacceptable for our children. And it is not who we are as a nation.

We are a nation that has always renewed our system of education to meet the challenges of a new time. Lincoln created the land grant colleges to ensure the success of the union he was fighting to save. Generations of leaders built mandatory public schools to prepare our children for the changing needs of our nation. And Eisenhower doubled federal investment in education after the Soviets beat us to space.

That is the kind of leadership we must show today.

But that's not the leadership we've been getting from Washington. For decades, they've been stuck in the same tired debates over education that have crippled our progress and left schools and parents to fend for themselves. It's been Democrat versus Republican, vouchers versus the status quo, more money versus more reform. There's partisanship and there's bickering, but there's no understanding that both sides have good ideas that we'll need to implement if we hope to make the changes our children need. And we've fallen further and further behind as a result.

If we're going to make a real and lasting difference for our future, we have to be willing to move beyond the old arguments of left and right and take meaningful, practical steps to build an education system worthy of our children and our future.

In the past few weeks, my opponent has taken to talking about the need for change and reform in Washington, where he has been part of the scene for about three decades.

And in those three decades, he has not done one thing to truly improve the quality of public education in our country. Not one real proposal or law or initiative. Nothing.

Instead, he marched with the ideologues in his party in opposing efforts to hire more teachers, and expand Head Start, and make college more affordable. You don't reform our schools by opposing efforts to fully fund No Child Left Behind. And you certainly don't reform our education system by calling to close the Department of Education. That would just make it harder for us to give out financial aid, harder for us to keep track of how our schools are doing, and lead to widening inequality in who gets a college degree.

That is not my idea of reform. That is not my idea of change. That is not a plan to help your kids compete with those kids in China and India.

After three decades of indifference on education, do you really believe that John McCain is going to make a difference now?

John McCain doesn't get it. He doesn't understand that our success as a nation depends on our success in education.

I do.

That's why last November, I proposed an education agenda that moves beyond party and ideology and focuses instead on what will make the most difference in a child's life. My plan calls for giving every child a world-class education from the day they're born until the day they graduate from college. It's a plan that starts with investing in early-childhood education because we know that children in these programs are more likely to score higher in reading and math, more likely to graduate high school and attend college, more likely to hold a job and earn more in that job. And it's a plan that will finally put a college degree within reach for anyone who wants one by providing a $4,000 tax credit to any middle class student who's willing to serve their community or their country.

Of course, we also have to fix the broken promises of No Child Left Behind. Now, I believe that the goals of this law were the right ones. Making a promise to educate every child with an excellent teacher is right. Closing the achievement gap that exists in too many cities and rural areas is right. More accountability is right. Higher standards are right.

But I'll tell you what's wrong with No Child Left Behind. Forcing our teachers, our principals, and our schools to accomplish all of this without the resources they need is wrong. Promising high-quality teachers in every classroom and then leaving the support and the pay for those teachers behind is wrong. Labeling a school and its students as failures one day and then throwing your hands up and walking away from them the next is wrong.

And by the way - don't tell us that the only way to teach a child is to spend most of the year preparing him to fill in a few bubbles on a standardized test. Let's finally help our teachers and principals develop a curriculum and assessments that teach our kids to become more than just good test-takers. We need assessments that can improve achievement by including the kinds of research, scientific investigation, and problem-solving that our children will need to compete in a 21st century knowledge economy.

We must fix the failures of No Child Left Behind. We must provide the funding we were promised, and give our states the resources they need, and finally meet our commitment to special education. But Democrats have to realize that fixing No Child Left Behind is not enough to prepare our children for a global economy.

We need a new vision for a 21st century education - one where we aren't just supporting existing schools, but spurring innovation; where we're not just investing more money, but demanding more reform; where parents take responsibility for their children's success; where our schools and government are accountable for results; where we're recruiting, retaining, and rewarding an army of new teachers, and students are excited to learn because they're attending schools of the future; and where we expect all our children not only to graduate high school, but to graduate college and get a good paying job.

It's time to ask ourselves why other countries are outperforming us in education. Because it's not that their kids are smarter than ours - it's that they're being smarter about how to educate their kids. They're spending less time teaching things that don't matter and more time teaching things that do. Their students are spending more time in school, and they're setting higher expectations.

That's what we need to be doing - because America isn't a country that accepts second place. When I'm President, we'll fight to make sure we're once again first in the world when it comes to high school graduation rates. We'll push our kids to study harder and aim higher. I've worked with Republican Senator Jim DeMint on a bill that would challenge high school students to take college-level courses - and make sure low-income neighborhoods and rural communities have access to those courses. And I'll make it the law of the land when I'm President. And we'll also set a goal of increasing the number of high school students taking college-level or AP courses by 50 percent in the coming years. Because I believe that when we challenge our kids to succeed, they will.

A while back, I was talking with my friend Arne Duncan, who runs the Chicago Public Schools. He was explaining how he'd managed to increase the number of kids taking and passing AP courses in Chicago over the last few years. What he said was, our kids aren't smarter than they were three years ago; our expectations for them are just higher. Well, I think it's time we raised expectations for our kids all across this country, and that's what we'll do when I'm President of the United States.

The second thing we need to do is make sure that we're preparing our kids for the 21st century economy by bringing our school system into the 21st century. Part of what that means is fostering the kinds of schools that will help prepare our kids, which is why I'm calling for the creation of an Innovative Schools Fund. This fund will invest in schools like the Austin Polytechnical Academy, which is located in a part of Chicago that's been hard hit by the decline in manufacturing over the past few decades. Thanks to partnerships with a number of companies, a curriculum that prepares students for a career in engineering, and a requirement that students graduate with at least two industry certifications, Austin Polytech is bringing hope back to the community. And that's the kind of model we'll replicate across the country when I'm President of the United States.

Giving our parents real choices about where to send their kids to school also means showing the same kind of leadership at the national level that I did in Illinois when I passed a law to double the number of charter schools in Chicago. That is why as President, I'll double the funding for responsible charter schools. Now, I know you've had a tough time with for-profit charter schools here in Ohio. That is why I'll work with Governor Strickland to hold for-profit charter schools accountable, and I'll work with all our nation's governors to hold all our charter schools accountable. Charter schools that are successful will get the support they need to grow. And charters that aren't will get shut down. And we'll help ensure that more of our kids have access to quality afterschool and summer school and extended school days for students who need it - because if they can do that in China, we can do that right here in the United States of America.

As we bring our school system into the 21st century, we also have to bring our schools into the 21st century. Because while technology has transformed just about every aspect of our lives - from the way we travel to the way we communicate to the way we look after our health - one of the places where we've failed to seize its full potential is in the classroom.

Imagine a future where our children are more motivated because they aren't just learning on blackboards but on new whiteboards with digital touch screens; where every student in a classroom has a laptop at their desk; where they don't just do book reports but design PowerPoint presentations; where they don't just write papers but build websites; where research isn't done just by taking a book out of the library but by emailing experts in the field; and where teachers are less a source of knowledge than a coach for how best to use it. By fostering innovation, we can help make sure every school in America is a school of the future.

That's what we'll do when I'm President. We'll help schools integrate technology into their curriculum so we can make sure public school students are fluent in the digital language of the 21st century economy. We'll teach our students not only math and science, but teamwork, and critical thinking and communication skills - because that's how we'll make sure they're prepared for today's workplace.

But no matter how many choices we're giving our parents or how much technology we're using in our schools or how tough our classes are, none of it will make much difference if we don't also recruit, prepare, and retain outstanding teachers. Because from the moment a child enters a school, the most important factor in their success is the person standing at the front of the classroom.

That's why last year, I proposed a new Service Scholarship program that will recruit top talent into the profession, and place these new teachers in overcrowded districts and struggling rural towns, or hard-to-staff subjects like special education in schools across the nation. To prepare these new teachers, I'll create more Teacher Residency Programs that will build on a law I recently passed and train 30,000 high-quality teachers a year, especially in math and science. To support our teachers, we'll expand mentoring programs that pair experienced, successful teachers with new recruits.

And when our teachers succeed in making a real difference in our children's lives, we should reward them for it by finding new ways to increase teacher pay that are developed with teachers, not imposed on them. We can do this. From Prince George's County in Maryland to Denver, Colorado, we're seeing teachers and school boards coming together to design performance pay plans.

So yes, we must give teachers every tool they need to be successful. But we also need to give every child the assurance that they'll have the teacher they need to be successful. That means setting a firm standard - teachers who are doing a poor job will get extra support, but if they still don't improve, they'll be replaced. Because as good teachers are the first to tell you, if we're going to attract the best teachers to the profession, we can't settle for schools filled with poor teachers.

Now, I know this sounds like a lot, but we can do it all - we can increase the number of students taking college-level courses; expand innovation and school choice; invest in the schools of tomorrow; and put a quality teacher in every classroom - all for the cost of just a few days in Iraq. And we'll pay for that cost by carefully winding down the war in Iraq, by ending no-bid contracts, and by eliminating wasteful spending. So we'll make these investments, but we'll do it without mortgaging our children's future on an even larger amount of debt. We'll do it responsibly.

This leads me to my final point - as President, I will lead a new era of accountability in education. But I don't just want to hold our teachers accountable. I want you to hold our government accountable. I want you to hold me accountable. That's why every year I'm President, I will report back to you on the progress our schools are making. Because it's time to stop passing the buck on education, and start accepting responsibility, and that's the kind of example I'll set as President of the United States.

Accountability in Washington starts by making sure that every tax dollar spent by the Department of Education is being spent wisely. When I'm President, programs that work will get more money. Programs that don't will get less. And we'll send a team to fix bad programs by replacing bad managers. Because your tax dollars should only be funding programs and grants that actually make a difference in a child's education.

But in the end, responsibility for our children's success doesn't start in Washington. It starts in our homes. It starts in our families. Because no education policy can replace a parent who's involved in their child's education from day one, who makes sure their children are in school on time, helps them with their homework after dinner, and attends those parent-teacher conferences. No government program can turn off the TV, or put away the video games, or read to your children.

But we can help parents do a better job. That's why I'll create a parent report card that will show you whether your kid is on the path to college. We'll help schools post student progress reports online so you can get a regular update on what kind of grades your child is getting on tests and quizzes from week to week. If your kid is falling behind, or playing hooky, or isn't on track to go to college or compete for that good paying job, it will be up to you to do something about it.

So yes, we need to hold our government accountable. Yes, we have to hold our schools accountable. But we also have to hold ourselves accountable.

You know, when I dropped my daughters off at school yesterday, I couldn't help but think about all America had done over the years to give me and my family a good education. This is a country that put my grandfather through college on the GI Bill after he left Patton's Army. This is a country that drew my father - like so many immigrants - across an ocean in search of a college degree. And this is a country that let the child of a teenage mom and an absent father reach for his dreams.

You see, I wasn't born with a lot of advantages. But I was given love, and support, and an education that put me on a pathway to success. The same was true for Michelle. She came from a blue collar family on the south side of Chicago. Even though her father had multiple sclerosis, he went to work every day at the local water filtration plant to support his family. And Michelle and her brother were able to go to a great college, and reach a little further for their dreams.

So I know that the only reason Michelle and I are where we are today is because this country we love gave us the chance at an education. And the reason I'm running for President is to give every single American that same chance; to give the young sisters out there born with a gift for invention the chance to become the next Orville and Wilbur Wright; to give the young boy out there who wants to create a life-saving cure the chance to become the next Jonas Salk; and to give the child out there whose imagination has been sparked by the wonders of the internet the chance to become the next Bill Gates.

Our future depends on it. When the story of our time is told, I don't want it to be said that China seized this moment to reform its education system, but the United States did not. I don't want it to be said that India led the way on innovation, but the United States did not. I want it to be said that we rose to meet this challenge, and educated our people to become the most highly-skilled workers in the world - just like we always have been.

Because I know that if we can just bring our education system into the 21st century, not only will our children be able to fulfill their God-given potential, and our families be able to live out their dreams; not only will our schools out-educate the world and our workers outcompete the world; not only will our companies innovate more and our economy grow more, but at this defining moment, we will do what previous generations of Americans have done - and unleash the promise of our people, unlock the promise of our country, and make sure that America remains a beacon of opportunity and prosperity for all the world. Thank you.

While political pundits have spent countless broadcast hours and editorial pages obsessing over an imaginary rift within the African-American community's generational leadership, very few have given sufficient time or attention to the real divide that deserves our entire country's focus: the achievement gap in our public schools.

The future of America rests on our ability to educate all children -- black, white, Asian and Hispanic, rich and poor, urban and suburban -- at high levels. Our ability to live up to this nation's founding ideals will be chiefly measured by our progress in closing the educational attainment gap between youth in the most disadvantaged communities and those in more affluent neighborhoods.

While we have made such extraordinary advancements in technology, science and communications, it is a national disgrace that we have failed to make equivalent gains in providing every child access to a quality public education. In a global, knowledge-based economy, America's competitiveness is dependent upon the preparedness and proficiency of its young people. By this standard, we have fallen short.

More than half a century after the Brown vs. Board of Education decision and two decades after Nation at Risk was published, substandard conditions and low expectations persist in far too many of our schools. Staggering numbers of poor and non-white students have been sentenced to educational systems that do not prepare them academically and prioritize adult needs over those of children. This is why we believe in the Education Equality Project, an education reform movement led by a coalition of leading advocates, educators, politicians and others dedicated to providing educational opportunities for all children.

Launched in June 2008, the project's core principles include:

*Ensuring effective leadership within every school and compensating educators as true professionals.

*Creating accountability for educational success at every level in each district, school and classroom .

• Making every decision based on the best interests of students and standing up against political forces that seek to preserve a broken system.

*Empowering parents with a platform for addressing the educational needs of their children, while providing options about where and how their children should be educated.

*Implementing systemic reforms and proven strategies that drive student achievement. This would include changes in teachers' contracts to place the best educators with the neediest students, abolishing enrollment policies that relegate poor and minority students to the worst schools, extending the school year and instituting universal pre-kindergarten programs

The time for assigning blame and engaging in demonizing debate has long passed. So too has the time for empty slogans and sound bites. This is not a Democratic/Republican, left/right issue; it is a challenge that confronts us all. Collective responsibility is required and we all have a part to play. If we fail to implement real education reform right now we will all share in paying the future price, from the costs of crime and social services to the loss of human capital and ingenuity.

In order to achieve the goals set forth by the Education Equality Project, we must first believe that, regardless of their socio-economic status, all children can and will achieve at high levels. This simple idea speaks to the core of who we are as a people.

In the concluding words of the Declaration of Independence, our country's founding fathers committed to "mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor." Let us today apply this same conviction to the education of our nation's children.

Cory A. Booker is mayor of Newark. Rev. Al Sharpton is a civil rights activist and an advocate for educational reform.

President Bush isn't the only Republican who believes in high academic standards and aggressive accountability. That's the message that came across at today's event put on by American Solutions for Winning the Future, a nonprofit organization started by Newt Gingrich, the former speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives. The Education Equality Project and ED in 08 were among the co-sponsors of the event.

Gingrich's group used the issue of global competitiveness to galvanize support for policies, including alternative pay for teachers and rigorous curricula benchmarked against international standards. For education redesign efforts to succeed, they will have to be championed by Republicans, Democrats, and Independents, Gingrich said.

"If you're going to get this to scale, it's going to have to be a tripartisan effort," Gingrich said. "What we're going to have here today is some people you've probably traditionally thought of as Democrats and some you've probably thought of as Republicans."

"Most of you didn't come here so that you could go home and tell your friends how much Al Sharpton impressed you," Gingrich joked. Sharpton and other members of the Education Equality Project had similar criticisms of unions at last week's Democratic National Convention.

Sharpton's speech garnered loud applause from the largely Republican crowd, particularly when he emphasized parental responsibility and took teachers' unions to task for what he perceived as their failure to embrace accountability.

"You cannot say schools must be improved but that we can not judge the performance of teachers," he said. "We cannot have any sacred cows in the room when our children are behind in math and science."

In his speech, ED in '08’'s Roy Romer subtly urged the more conservative wing of the Republican party to embrace the idea that, early in the next administration state school chiefs, governors, and the new administration should sit down together to craft high standards. He said that presidential candidates are often afraid of talking about education policy because they're worried about offending proponents of local control.

And Gov. Tim Pawlenty, who until was last week was widely speculated to be McCain's veep pick, talked about his own record on education redesign, particularly the need for merit pay, something he has championed in Minnesota.

In her speech, Secretary Spellings said that advocates for federal accountability need to do a better job selling their proposals, particularly to suburban voters.

"We haven't fully made our case to the American people," she said, adding that some voters have criticized the law for taking resources away from one school's "gifted flute program" and steering it towards inner city schools. "People don't get what's at stake for this country."

Part of the problem, she said, is educational policy lingo. When officials used terms such as adequate yearly progress and international benchmarking, "parents don't know what we're talking about," she said.

Keegan, who moderated the panel, didn't give a speech. But she did emphasize McCain's and her own support for accountability. "I'm proud to be working for [someone] who backs NCLB and its accountability requirements," she said. Which sounded pretty Spellings-esque, at least to me.

"I woke up this morning and a cynical Democrat asked me why I would be at the Republican convention appearing onstage with Newt Gingrich," Mr. Sharpton said. "And I looked at him in the mirror"at this point Mr. Sharpton was interrupted by a wave of laughter "and said that there must be some things that we can put partisan and ideological things aside for. And that must be our children."

Mr. Sharpton said "there's no greater civil rights in America today than education reform," and called on elected officials to put party differences aside to come up with a solution. He spoke of being raised by a single mother, but said she was never so poor that she didn't make him do homework at night.

"Children must be the priority," he said in a 15-minute speech that was interrupted by applause four times. "We must not get to other interests first and then get to the children after we've protected various interests and concerns."

Mr. Sharpton spoke of his work co-chairing the non-partisan Education Equality Project with New York City Schools Chancellor Joel Klein and said one of things that surprised him was that people enter into the education reform discussion to "protect themselves rather than to educate and upgrade the children."

He had harsh words for teachers' unions, which he said have blocked efforts to judge instructors based on performance.

"Yes, I support teachers, yes I work with teachers' unions, but we can't have any sacred cows in the room when our children are behind in math and science, when I go to Detroit and only 32% of the young black men are graduating high school."

Before the room broke out into a rendition of Kumbaya, Mr. Sharpton brought the audience back to reality.

"I do have a syndicated radio show," he said. "If you want a fair and balanced view of your convention, you can listen."

And even that line brought another round of applause. After posing for photos with Mr. Gingrich and the other speakers, it took Mr. Sharpton 10 minutes to walk through a throng of fans who wanted their photos taken with the reverend.

MINNEAPOLIS -- What could bring the leader of the 1994 Republican Revolution and a Baptist minister from New York together on one stage? Education reform.

Former House Speaker Newt Gingrich and the Rev. Al Sharpton addressed Republican delegates this morning in a downtown hotel ballroom about the need for a bipartisan approach to improving the education of America's children. Gingrich now serves as chairman of American Solutions, a bipartisan, multi-issue nonprofit. Sharpton co-chairs the Education Equality Project along with New York City Schools Chancellor Joel Klein. Mayors, superintendants and education reform leaders from around the country have signed on to the EEP.

Also speaking were Minnesota Gov. Tim Pawlenty and Education Sec. Margaret Spellings. Most of the ideas of the discussion were ones Americans have heard for decades now: kids need to focus more on math and science; parents need to be more involved; we're in a race with the children in foreign nations.

Still, the crowd was overwhelmingly approving of the program. Sharpton received multiple standing ovations from the partisan crowd. "It was energizing," said Sharon Culbreth of Coeur d'Alene, Idaho. Culbreth was so impressed, she said she wanted to pass out Sharpton's speech to the Republican women's meeting she will attend later today.

Folks wondering whether Michelle Obama will be an asset or a liability to her husband's campaign for the White House got their answer last night: She's a plus - and then some.

"For the first time in my adult lifetime, I'm really proud of my country," she said in Madison, Wis., last February, on the heels of a Barack Obama primary win.

But last night in Denver, she spoke right to the heart of the ensuing controversy: "I love this country," she said. "And in my own life, in my own small way, I've tried to give back to this country that has given me so much."

She touched all the usual Democratic bases, and did it with style and verve.

"We want our children - and all children in this nation - to know that the only limit to the height of your achievements is the reach of your dreams and your willingness to work for them," she said.

That's not Republican, Democratic, black or white: It's bedrock American.

Yes, Obama's camp has used its candidate's race politically, painting him as a victim because of his skin color.

Fact is, America's gone light years beyond its shameful racial past. And the sight of a black mom speaking to the nation three days before her husband becomes the Democratic presidential nominee is irrefutable proof of that.

Some Dems don't get it, of course.

"Access to an excellent education is a basic civil right," American Federation of Teachers President Randi Weingarten said last night - never mind that the union she heads consistently and energetically works to block progress and equality for kids.

Do you doubt it? Then consider what African-American Mayors Cory Booker of Newark and Adrian Fenty of Washington, DC, said in Denver Sunday.

"Ten years ago," said Booker, "I was literally brought into a broom closet by a union and told I would never win office if I kept talking about charters."

He meant charter schools, of course - anathema to the teachers' unions.

Fenty assailed union opposition to a contract that boosts teacher pay in exchange for an end to tenure.

Booker and Fenty must practice what Weingarten - and now Michelle Obama - preach.

No doubt a careful parsing of Mrs. Obama's speech would yield further contradictions - but, for the moment, it stands as a moving moment that should be of real benefit to her husband.

In a year when voters are focused on the economy and war, the needs and short- comings of the nation's education system must remain in the forefront of political discussion, education advocates said Sunday.

"When we look at the achievement gap, we almost look like we're back in the mid-'50s," said the Rev. Al Sharpton, his preacher's voice bouncing off the steel outside the Denver Art Museum and drawing in passers-by. "It is embarrassing to the world as we try to redefine ourselves in the global setup that we have such a stark and blatant gap in achievement in this country."

Sharpton; Newark, N.J., Mayor Cory Booker; former Colorado Gov. Roy Romer; and a handful of other prominent civic leaders working on the Education Equality Project beseeched voters Sunday to pay attention to America's education system.

"Obviously we're concerned about the war, we're concerned about global warming, we're concerned about the economy," said Romer, also a former chief of the Los Angeles public schools. "But if we do not continue to improve education, all of those are going to fail because we don't have the talent."

The gathering -- part pep rally, part sermon -- called for a wholesale change in education.

And while several speakers spoke of the need to work across political divisions, some took shots at teachers unions, citing stringent work contracts and their inability to embrace change as a reason schools have worsened.

Sharpton blamed the achievement gap on "old coalitions."

"We have people who are members of that coalition that are members in order to protect their interest rather than uplift the children," Sharpton said.

That type of criticism puts union leaders in an uncomfortable place in their own party.

Both presidential candidates have talked about the need for dramatic education reform to boost student achievement, particularly in urban school districts. And both candidates have endorsed merit pay for teachers whose students show progress.

Though some school districts, including Denver, are experimenting with such systems, traditionally unions support tenure over performance.

"I think it's very unfair that we're having this kind of conversation at a Democratic convention," said John Wilson, executive director of the National Education Association, which has endorsed Barack Obama for president. "I find it so ironic that they want to compare us to places like Singapore, but they don't want to spend the time uniting the voice of the people who care about education."

The Education Equality Project started with Sharpton and New York City Schools Chancellor Joel Klein in June. Since then, the group has collected signatures from more than 40 civic, education, and civil-rights leaders from across the country.

The project's "Statement of Principles" contains lofty sentences that, among other ideas, say elected officials must make changes on behalf of poor and minority children.

Those who have signed on come from across the political spectrum: former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush; the president and chief executive of the National Council of La Raza, Janet Murguia; and former NBA star Kevin Johnson.

Klein told the crowd Sunday that sometimes reform starts by talking about uncomfortable facts.

"The color of your skin, your parents' income, the ZIP code you live in, those things determine all too frequently the quality of your education," he said.

Two 23-year-old Denver teachers were standing in the audience. The pair, both teachers at one of the city's poorest schools, said the talk inspired them.

Jake Firman said he thinks people believe failure is acceptable, especially in schools serving low-income students.

"There is so much passion. ... It's different to hear it talked about in a big scale," Firman said. "There is so much here that will help motivate me in the classroom."

Something is brewing here in Denver. A day before the Democratic National Convention officially begins, a collection of proven education reformers have come together in the Denver Art Museum for the purpose of outlining a strategy for the Obama campaign. Their mission: To submit a letter with concrete details that they believe will provide the best chance for drastic educational reform in the United States. What is inspiring about this group is that their words hold genuine hope.

People unafraid of ruffling feathers that have lain in place for years are beginning a dialogue. "Sometimes change involves breaking some china and making enemies," says Joe Williams of Democrats for Educational Reform. Are these the stirrings of a mass reform in education? Or at least bold language in the Democrat's platform?

The speakers talk about the pressure from the educational establishment not to change. They talk about the idea of comparing students from the United States to those of other countries--and how American students have steadily fallen behind in every category that would make them competitive with their international counterparts. They discuss rewarding teachers for boosting their students' achievements, not for length of tenure. Perhaps most importantly, they acknowledge that while action happens at the local level, they need bold leadership in Washington to support their actions. They need their president to make superior education standards in the United States a top priority. And, repeatedly, this group says, in various ways, that they could not have come together four years ago, that conditions weren't right for them to meet in such a way.

Are these the stirrings of real educational reform in this country? Education has been mysteriously underplayed on the campaign trail. This group of reformers is putting together a letter for the Obama campaign with specific details about what it would take for real reform in the U.S.

You have my attention. I'm listening.

A coalition of Democratic school reformers sent a stark, bare-knuckled message to teacher unions Sunday: the days of the party pandering to this particular interest group are over.

During a convention-eve forum hosted by a coalition of local and national education organizations, Democratic mayors, legislators and school officials spoke in no uncertain terms about how, in their view, unions have become a major obstacle to meaningful education reform.

And, they said, radical reform must begin now if the United States is to have a prayer of remaining economically competitive as the 21st century progresses.

"As Democrats, we have been wrong on education, and it's time to get right," said Newark, N.J. Mayor Cory Booker, a rising political star. Booker said he was "practically tarred and feathered" by his local union for even broaching the subject of school choice.

"This is my wildest dream," Booker said during a panel discussion, looking out at an overflowing Denver Art Museum auditorium. "I never thought I'd see a room full of Democrats interested in doing this (taking on the unions)."

Among those in attendance was National Education Association President Reg Weaver.

The hour-long panel was part of the Ed Challenge for Change Forum, sponsored by 40 non-profits, schools and foundations. (Disclosure: the Public Education and Business Coalition, publisher of Education News Colorado, was a sponsor, as were several of this site's funders).

During the panel discussion, Booker, Washington, D.C. Mayor Adrian Fenty, New York City Schools Chancellor Joel Klein and Colorado State Senate President Peter Groff hammered at unions for putting the needs of adults above those of children. Onerous work rules and heavy-handed political tactics have stymied meaningful change for too long, they said.

"The (American Federation of Teachers) does nothing for the children of Washington D.C.," Fenty said. He added that the primary motivating factor of national union presidents seems to be keeping their jobs.

But panelists, particularly Klein and Romer, cautioned that reforming unions, while important, comprises only part of the battle. Romer said the "guts of this problem" is substandard teaching.

Countries with the best educational systems - Romer cited Singapore, Korea and Finland - pay their teachers competitive wages and draw from the top third of university graduates. Low teacher pay in this country results in most teachers coming from the bottom third of university graduates, he said.

"The American people are living in the past in education, and the world has passed us by," Romer said. He said that as a nation, "we are lying to ourselves" about the state of our educational system.

In cities, Romer said, leaders like Fenty and Booker have figured out the magnitude of the challenge. In suburban communities, he said, people continue to live in a state of denial. of the problem.

Klein said he favors national standards and national assessments as a way of spurring "a race to the top, not the bottom." Other panelists said they favored modified versions of national standards, with the work being led by states rather than Congress.

Moderator John Merrow from the Public Broadcasting Service asked what role a new president could play in spurring the needed changes.

"He could provide political cover for those courageous enough to take on the entrenched interests," said Groff, who pushed through a school innovation bill in this year's legislative session. "That's the kind of political courage we have not had in this party."

At a press conference that preceded the forum, the Rev. Al Sharpton warmed up the crowd with some of his patented fiery rhetoric.

"We have to have the courage to break old, ineffective alliances," said Sharpton, wagging his finger and raising his voice. "If our parents could stand up to biting dogs in Alabama, we can stand up to special interests in our cities."

Earlier this year, Sharpton and Klein formed the Education Equality Project, aimed in part at taking on unions and other education special interests.

On the Eve of the Democratic Convention, Education Equality Project Coalition Members Say Transforming a System that Has Failed Generations of Minority Students Should be A Core Element of the Democrats' Domestic Agenda

Educational Equality Project co-founders Reverend Al Sharpton and New York City Schools Chancellor Joel Klein today joined with elected officials, educational leaders, and teachers in Denver to call on the Democratic Party to view the nation's failing schools as a civil rights crisis and make school reform central to the party's domestic agenda. They were joined at a press conference outside the Denver Art Museum by several signatories of the Education Equality Project's statement of principles, including former Colorado Governor Roy Romer; Mayor Cory Booker of Newark, New Jersey; Mayor Adrian Fenty of Washington, D.C.; Denver Mayor John Hickenlooper; Denver Superintendent Michael Bennet; Washington, D.C., Schools Chancellor Michelle Rhee; Chairman of Democrats for Education Reform Kevin P. Chavous; musician and radio host James Mtume, and Denver teacher Greg Ahrnsbrak. The Democratic Party's national convention begins tomorrow in Denver.

"As a country we can't continue to accept that one of every two black or Hispanic children will drop out from school or that the reading levels of black children are years behind white children's," Chancellor Klein said. "These facts translate into diminished life opportunities. We must forego political expediency in favor of a bipartisan commitment to address this crisis by any means necessary. I urge the Democratic Party to rise above traditional politics and special interests to endorse the common sense principles of our project."

Reverend Sharpton and Chancellor Klein formed the Education Equality Project in June 2008 to transform America's public schools and educational outcomes for high-needs students. The Project challenges politicians, public officials, union leaders, and others to view fixing the public schools as the foremost civil rights issue of the early 21st century. It takes on conventional wisdom and the entrenched impediments to real reform, focusing on teacher quality and pay; accountability for results; and maximizing parents' options. The Project will challenge laws and contracts that preserve a system that fails students. In the view of Project's signatories, the one measure of every policy, regardless of the depths of its historic roots or the power of its adherents, must be whether it advances student learning.

"We know that the future health of our communities depends on creating a sound education foundation for our children," said Denver Mayor John Hickenlooper. "We know there is no single more important endeavor, and the stakes are too high for Denver and all American cities. Failure is not an option."

"The future of our country and its competitiveness in the global economy is dependent upon our ability to educate all children, regardless of their race or socio-economic status, at high levels," said Newark Mayor Cory Booker. "This is not a democratic or republican issue, it's an American problem that afflicts us all. The time for collective responsibility and bold action in education reform is now."

"I am a strong supporter of Barack Obama and the Democratic Party. That being said, many of us believe that now is the time for our party and our new president to really stand up for kids," said Kevin Chavous, Chairman of Democrats for Education Reform. "Old policies and the status quo are unacceptable. On behalf of America's children, we insist that education issues be a priority for our party and that we boldly embrace innovation and creativity in our schools, even at the expense of historical special interests alliances."

"We need to stop thinking about our dropout rate and low levels of achievement as the inevitable results of poverty and begin to understand that it is our obligation to transform our education system to ensure all of our kids have real opportunity," said Denver Superintendent Michael Bennet.

"Now is the time for all of us--teachers, school districts, and communities to stand up and work together to build great public school systems that serve all our children," said Greg Ahrnsbrak, a 16-year Denver Public School veteran teacher. Ahrnsbrak is one of the leaders of Denver Teachers for Change, a group of DPS teachers who came together to advocate for reform and a settlement during recent contract negotiations between DPS and the Denver teachers union. "We can't wait another 50 years. We can't wait even one year, and teachers must be at the leading edge of the reform. Incremental changes will not get us the results we need--the time for bold systemic changes is now."

Signatories of the Educational Equality Project's statement of principles include, along with today's speakers, former Florida Governor Jeb Bush, Arizona Senator and presumptive Republican presidential candidate John McCain, National Council of La Raza Chief Executive Officer Janet Murguia, civil rights leader Roger Wilkins, Chicago Public Schools Chief Executive Officer Arne Duncan, Houston Independent School District Superintendent Abelardo Saavedra, Philadelphia Schools Superintendent Arlene Ackerman, Baltimore City Public Schools Chief Executive Officer Andres Alonso, New Orleans Recovery School District Superintendent Paul Vallas, President of Council of Schools Supervisors & Administrators Ernest Logan, and 2005 National Teacher of the Year Jason Kamras.